The Abolitionist Movement: Historical and Rhetorical Contexts

Farid Ghamsari

Dr. Stephanie Brown

English 306

11/2/2016

The Abolitionist Movement

Historical Context:

                Since the British colonization of the western world, slavery was a common practice. Slavery became a staple in the British colonies in the 1500-1600’s due to the economic success that it provided to slave holders. There was a significant need for cheap labor and slavery fit the bill so well that it became a very prevalent practice in the colonies. Before the United States gained its independence in 1776, slavery remained very common and accepted in most places, only being denounced by several small groups such as The Quakers. The Quakers, a group of northern colonists, was one of the first groups to oppose slavery and opposed it on moral grounds, saying that the practice was a violation of human brotherhood (Ferrell 7).  The movement to denounce slavery and abolish it immediately and completely was known as the Abolitionist Movement.

Though there were small groups which had desired this since the 1500’s, the movement really began in 1776, shortly after the United States became a sovereign nation.  Up until this time, most if not all states, were fairly accepting of the practice of slavery, while many in these areas considered it immoral and irreprehensible. Many at the time considered the practice evil, and yet simply didn’t free their slaves due to the “general inconvenience of living without them”. (Ferrell 18). Over the next 50-60 years, the northern states slowly began introducing legislature which first banned slave trade, and then slavery altogether. By the 1820’s most northern states had all but abolished slavery in the north. (Ferrell 28).

Slavery in the South was a much more ingrained practice however. In the North, slavery became a practice of convenience over time, but in the South, slavery was needed to work plantations. By using slavery, plantation owners could make significantly more money and for this reason the ideas of the immorality of slavery were not as prevalent or concerning. The disjointed nature of the south, having great stretches of distance between plantations, was also a hindrance to the spreading of ideas. The South strongly resisted the abolitionist movement for these reasons and actively fought it on a number of occasions with laws such as the Fugitive Slave Law. In 1793, the law was passed which forced northern states to return runaway slaves to the south. (Ferrell 27). Slavery was one of the most important staples of the economy of the south and to give up slavery would essentially ruin many of the wealthiest people in the south.

 However, while slavery was condemned in the North, free African Americans were actually not significantly better off than the slaves who lived in the south. During this time, in the North, there was still severe discrimination and racism that existed towards free Blacks (Litwack). Blacks in the North had to fight very similar battles as those in the south. In the 1820’s, The Abolitionist Movement in the North became a mission of civil rights for all free men living in the United States. This new goal was significantly assisted by new several abolitionist newspapers such as The Liberator, started and written by William Lloyd Garrison, an important white leader in the Abolitionist Movement (Shortell).

By the 1830’s, The Liberator, along with several other newspapers, launched a renewed Abolitionist campaign in the North, focused on complete racial equality, and began launching a more focused campaign to end slavery in the south. (Stewart). The South strongly resisted these campaigns, unwilling to give up their slaves for any reason that couldn’t trump their financial successes. These newspapers along with Black leaders led to a high point of turmoil in the North during the 1830’s and 40’s. During this period, even Northern Whites who had freed their slaves were worried about a resulting race war if the Abolitionist Rhetoric continued in the way that it was. This period of time is known as the Antebellum Period of the Abolitionist movement and is considered the most radical period of the movement, pushing for complete racial equality and “respectability” for African Americans. This Antebellum period can be considered at the crisis of the Abolitionist Movement under Griffin’s framework for describing political protests. (Griffin)

White newspapers show the effect that White Aboltionism had on the movement. Up until the 1830’s and 40’s the actions of Black Abolitionists while significant, did not create a widespread Black Abolitionist Identity. Since the beginning of the Abolitionist Movement in the US, African Americans were actively fighting slavery in a way which pushed it to its limits before it was completely abolished in each area. In Massachusetts, in 1776, Black slaves were able to run from their owners, and once they had escaped, they would be considered free. They would then return and lawfully emancipate the rest of the slaves who were still residing with the owner (Sinha). In Vermont, Black Abolitionists were able to constitutionally institute universal male suffrage. From there they were able to vote on the issue of slavery and were able to condemn it (Sinha). Black leaders had lasting impacts on the initial abolition of slavery in the North, but soon after slavery was abolished in these areas, the majority of the Abolitionist identity was lost amongst African American’s who’d already been freed. It was only in the 1830’s and 40’s when free black men became a strong source of leadership. Many prior slaves became strong writers and orators who spread abolitionism to other African Americans in a way that no white Abolitionist could have. They helped make abolition an African American cause and movement which forcefully thrust the movement forward towards deeper divides with slave owners and eventually the Civil War. Black leaders such as Henry Garnet, Henry Bibb, and Fredrick Douglass championed the Black Abolitionist cause and spread the ideals with a new found zeal and strength. (Harold 118).

 Fredrick Douglass was an African American who had been born a slave in Maryland. For many years, he was beaten daily by his owners until he was hired to another slave owner who treated him better. (Ferrell 122). Douglass escaped slavery 1838 and moved to the North. There, he began reading The Liberator and was greatly inspired by William Lloyd Garrison. Soon after, Douglass wrote his autobiography “Narrative of the Life of Fredrick Douglass” which contained a slave narrative that became wildly popular as an insight into the life of a slave. Douglass gained much acclaim and became a dominant figure in the Abolitionist Movement. He was such a strong orator and writer that many found it hard to believe that he had ever been a slave. During his life, he wrote several more influential works such as “My Bondage and My Freedom” (Chaney 17), and gave numerous influential speeches. He is remembered for establishing different themes throughout his writing to depict different ideas such as Black-Heroism and the equality of man by being man”. One of the most influential speeches he gave was of the Creole slave ship revolt, in which a black leader, Madison Washington, led 19 slaves in a successful revolt against their captives while killing only one crew member. They redirected the ship to Britain where the all of the 135 slaves aboard were declared free (Bernier). His speeches and writings personalized the atrocities of slavery and brought them onto a public scale. The works allowed White people to see how evil slavery could be, and they let slaves see how they could begin to champion their own freedom as Douglass and those he spoke of had done (Davis).  Other Southern Black Liberators began writing and an increasing force grew from their collective identity as more slaves began to understand their own power to revolt and free themselves. (Davis)

Fredrick Douglass entered the protest at a very critical point. His rhetoric changed the conversation and role of Abolitionism. It shifted from being a predominantly white-led movement, as shown by William Lloyd Garrison and The Liberator, to one primarily led by free Black leaders. He also helped in creating a following and support for the movement in both free and enslaved blacks, which pushed the movement to a breaking point. The movement became a stark split in the nation and was one of the factors that led to the Civil War. The Civil war led to the emancipation of all slaves in the United States, essentially ending the Abolitionist Movement. The object of protest of this paper will focus on Fredrick Douglass and his speeches, in particular noting the influences and themes throughout his speeches that gave them the strength and following that they did.

Rhetorical Context:

                The rhetoric of the Abolitionist Movement began as one that was mainly led by white Immediatists. The Immediatists were those who believed that slavery should be condemned because they saw it as a heinous crime to God and American Ideals (Stewart 6). These Immediatists saw emancipation as the only way to rid America of the injustices of the slavery and reconcile the US with God, and they called for the immediate and complete abolishment of slavery all over the US. (Stewart 7). This identity was a strong but fairly small one. The percentage of the population in the North that consisted of these religiously moral Immediatists was relatively minimal, despite the speed with which their messages spread in the North. William Lloyd Garrison was initially an Immediatist and with the use of his newspaper The Liberator he was able to spread this message quickly and broadly. The Immediatists identity saw its strongest era in the early 1830’s. At this point in time, many others joined the Immediatists under the idea that Slavery was morally irreprehensible whether it be in the eyes of God specifically or not. (Stewart 7).

                The south resisted the ideals of the Immediatists strongly. The south was deeply racist during this time and saw slaves as property rather than human individuals. There were few Southern Abolitionists prior to the 1830’s and these people were often attacked or harassed by pro-slavery extremists (Harrold 18). For this reason, the spreading of information and Abolitionist ideals was slow to spread in the south. To southerners, the economy held by slavery was significantly more important and valuable than the values that white Immediatists seemed to be preaching. The south considered Northern Immediatists to be fanatical and unrealistic, asking Southern Slave owners to simply give up their largest and most valuable investments (Harrold 15). These Immediatists, while spreading a relatively moral message, were essentially zealous in their method of doing so. Many Immediatists were followers of “William Lloyd Garrison’s radical brand of abolitionism, [and] became infamous for breaking up services in churches that barred antislavery meetings.”(Olson). Though it seems that the Immediatists had good intentions, their methods through which they tried to achieve emancipation were overly zealous and fairly disrespectful. This is one issue that kept Southern leaders from wanting to even think about emancipating their slaves. The southerners were outraged by the ways Immediatists tried to push their agenda and in many ways dug themselves in deeper into their Pro-slavery ideals due to the Immediatists. (Stewart 12).

                These Immediatists failed in many regards in their protest. They failed in developing a strong identity in the North that collectively felt the need to end slavery in the South. In his article “The Emotions of Protest: Affective and Reactive Emotions in and around Social Movements”, Jasper articulates the necessity of properly cultivating emotions in a protest, especially one that requires a basis around morality. (Jasper). He articulates that it is important for a protest to develop a proper frame for its participants to align with. By this, a frame is meant to represent a mindset or collective of ideas behind which members of a particular protest can feel a part of, and essentially aligning to the frame. For this protest it was important for the Immediatists of the North to create an Injustice Frame around slavery in the south. An injustice frame be considered a “way of viewing a situation or condition that expresses indignation or outrage over a perceived injustice”. (Jasper). The act of slavery, while clearly amoral, was not being represented by the Immediatists in a strong enough Injustice Frame for great amounts of society to be outraged and align with the cause.

                In the early 1840’s however, a new Abolitionist Identity began to arise. This abolitionist identity was that of the Southern Black Abolitionist (Stewart 21). This identity was championed by African American leaders such as Fredrick Douglass, Sojourner Truth, and Henry Garnet, who had previously been slaves, before they went on to be strong African American Abolitionists (Stewart 21). The Black Abolitionist Identity was built by these leaders and slowly grew into the south, attaching the Identity to all Black Slaves, who craved their freedom.

                This new identity created a pivotal role in the Abolitionist Movement. The Black Abolitionists, rather than calling for the abolishment of slavery, simply due to amorality, called for equal rights, through the definition of manhood. Black Abolitionists were not only fighting slavery, but calling for equal rights in northern society which was still very strongly racist (Shortell). This identity called for a restructuring of the rhetoric through which slavery should be addressed, as well as the way in which free African Americans should be treated. This identity was much stronger than the previous Immediatists in that it connected with black individuals in the south who were still enslaved. Many previously enslaved Black writers became leaders of this movement and identity by expressing the plight of the slave through narratives and memoirs as seen in Davis’ book, The Slave Narrative. These narratives and others like them gave insight into the life of the slave and clearly portrayed the injustice’s taking place in the south. One story in the collective tells of how David George, was “’whipped many a time on [his] naked skin’ after seeing his family cruelly abused” (Davis 51). Stories like this personalized the pain and suffering being caused by slavery and made this available not only free white and black people in the North, but also any literate slaves in the South. When Black slaves were able to see one another rise up against the injustices, it made them feel stronger about their own independent identities and more rebellious towards their captors.

The new Black identity, while developing this sense of strength among Black individuals, also created a new rhetoric through which to address the racism that persisted in the North (Bernier). Fredrick Douglass, one of the strongest orators and writers of the Black Abolitionists, can be considered a model and embodiment of the identity, and created many of its defining moments and its rhetoric. In one speech, Douglass argued, “I am here but to urge the right of every man to his own body, to his own hand, and to his own heart” (Bernier). In this, he is arguing that simply by the humanity and manhood of black men, they should have their lives in their own hands, as do all other men. With this, he elicits emotions of rebellion and revolt from Southern slaves, while also softening the hearts of white racists in the North who have tried to dehumanize Black Men.

The Black Abolitionist Identity was much more successful in the attacks against slavery than the previous Immediatist Abolitionism. This, in large part, is due to the effect that it had on Southern Slaves. Slaves felt encouraged to run away from their owners, in hope of securing their freedom as their African American Leaders had (Litwack). In many ways, this weakened the South’s hold over their slaves more than any other attempt from the North previously had. The increasing numbers of runaway slaves led to severely heightened tensions between the North and the South, ultimately becoming one of the main factors that led to the Civil War.

Once again looking at Jaspers’ discussion of emotions in protests again make it clear as to why this Identity so much more successful in the progression of the movement. Jasper argues several key points to the success of a protest, one being the proper framing of injustice. The new Black Abolitionist Identity, no longer simply framed injustice as amoral and a sin to God, but instead defined slavery as an injustice to the men who were enslaved. Through the rhetoric of collective manhood for both Blacks and Whites, a collective identity of man was able to be created. With this identity, it became clear that the immoral injustice of slavery was not just a problem for Black men, but also White men too, who were connected in their collective manhood. This rhetoric framed the injustice of slavery in a way in which Black and White men could easily align themselves and feel wholly part of the collective identity.  This connection that was growing between them was easily quantified by the amount of slaves that were able to escape and were hosted by Black and White Northerners (Lamb). Southern slave owners were outraged by mostly outraged by the rhetoric and actions of the Black and White Northerners who refused to return the runaway slaves, saying that they were, “’stealing’ under federal law” (Lamb). With this, the Black Abolitionist Identity not only connected all those who wanted the abolishment of slavery under a single emotional frame and collective identity, but it also alienated and enraged the Southern Slave holders. This type of dissent in the South, as well as the strengthened identity among Black enslaved and free men, as well as White men is what lead to the rising tensions that brought on the Civil War.

Questions:
1). Am I specific enough with how the Black Abolitionist Identity Achieved what it was supposed to be doing?
2) Is the historical context specific enough to understand what I'm trying to portray?
3) Should it clear how everything in the rhetorical context is related? I feel like I'm kind of jumping but also feel like it's all important. Any thoughts would be helpful.

Works Cited:

Ferrell, Claudine L. The Abolitionist Movement. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2006. Print.

Sinha, Manisha. The Slave's Cause: A History of Abolition. Yale UP, 2016. Print.

Lamb, Benjamin. Angry Abolitionists and the Rhetoric of Slavery: Moral Emotions in Social Movements.  Springer International, 2016. Print. Cultural Sociology.

Harrold, Stanley. The Abolitionists and the South: 1831-1861. Lexington, KY: U of Kentucky, 1995. Print.

Davis, Charles T., and Henry Louis Gates. The Slave's Narrative. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1985. Print.

Stewart, James Brewer. Abolitionist Politics and the Coming of the Civil War. Amherst: U of Massachusetts, 2008. Print.

Chaney, Michael A. Fugitive Vision: Slave Image and Black Identity in Antebellum Narrative. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2008. Print.

Bernier, Celeste-Marie. "From Fugitive Slave To Fugitive Abolitionist." Atlantic Studies 3.2 (2006): 201-24. Web.

Aptheker, Herbert. The Negro in the Abolitionist Movement. 1st ed. Vol. 5. New York: International, 1941. Print. Pp. 2-23.

Shortell, T. "The Rhetoric of Black Abolitionism: An Exploratory Analysis of Antislavery Newspapers in New York State." Social Science History 28.1 (2004): 75-109. Web.

Litwack, Leon F. "The Abolitionist Dilemma: The Antislavery Movement and the Northern Negro." The New England Quarterly 34.1 (1961): 50-73. Web.

Chukwu, Dan O. "Background to the Era of New Abolitionism." Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 17 (2007): 1-15. Web.

Olson, Joel. "The Freshness of Fanaticism: The Abolitionist Defense of Zealotry." Perspectives on Politics 5.04 (2007): 685-701. Web.

O'Loughlin, Jim. "Articulating "Uncle Tom's Cabin"" New Literary History, Philosophical and Rhetorical Inquiries 31.3 (2000): 573-97. Johns' Hopkins University Press. Web.

Jasper, James M. "The Emotions of Protest: Affective and Reactive Emotions In and Around Social Movements." Sociological Forum 13.3 (1998): 397-424. Web.