Historical and Rhetorical Context Section Draft

Madelynn Fretto

Dr. Stephanie Brown

ENGL 306

3 November 2016

Historical and Rhetorical Context Draft

Historical Context

            The history leading up to the 1963 Birmingham Campaign is a rich one that has century’s worth of facts that explain why the events occurred in Birmingham the way that they did. Until this point, there had been deliberate actions taken to degrade black Americans and hinder them from having social equality, all in the name of white supremacy. Southern white people created Jim Crow segregation by enacting legal separation and a lack of access to various opportunities, which is termed “de facto segregation.” De facto segregation was the norm and caused the black population to be segregated in residential areas separate from the white population (Ezra 1-2). This discrimination had been occurring for centuries and in 1876, during the Reconstruction era after the Civil War, federal troops left the South, but discrimination against blacks did not. This population suffered from deliberate violence against them racially and sexually, economic inequality, and lack of voting opportunity. Basically, the white population was doing everything in their power to make the black population “as lowly as the slaves their parents had been” (Ezra 59). Despite this low standard of living and rights, the Southern black population counteracted by creating schools and churches and they were becoming teachers, preachers, lawyers, and doctors. These educated people were working with the white population that was “fearful of the free black presence while at the same time seeking…full rights and privileges of citizenship” (Ezra 60). Unfortunately, there was a large percentage of the black population that remained in a low socioeconomic class and had careers as laborers, farmers, and domestic workers because of the lack of available opportunities. In the early 1900s, black Americans also dealt with the Ku Klux Klan, among other racist groups, lack of voting rights, and segregation in residential areas, educational facilities, employment, armed forces, and public areas (Ezra 64).

Slavery of black people is probably one of the most well known aspects of discrimination the population has faced. The history of the African American population in the United States began in 1619 when they were used as inexpensive workers to build and develop the European colonies. Slavery began because cheap labor was needed, and at the time, “was not rationalized by attitudes of racial superiority” (Salem Press 197). Racial motivations were developed later on to continue to discriminate against the black population, and the goals were to make people think slaves were not worthy of being considered human and were lazy (Salem Press 197). Most of the black population in America was slaves from 1789-1865. Most of the work these slaves were forced to do was agricultural, and labor became a large part of slave culture (Dagbovie 33). The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 required the government to return slaves that had escaped to their owner, so even if the slave made it to the North, they were not safe unless they made it to Canada (Salem Press 276). In terms of education, black children, regardless of whether they were a slave or not, were prohibited from being taught in Southern states (Salem Press 223). After 1865, black students were allowed to attend schools in the South, but were often taught by white teachers from the North that did not provide the same quality of education they would provide to white students, furthering their subordination (Salem Press 223). Discrimination continued even after slavery was abolished. However, the passages of the 13^th, 14^th, and 15^th Amendments and the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and 1867 attempted “to eliminate legal discrimination against newly freed slaves” (Salem Press 198). These measures were counteracted by the black codes that reverted back to the treatment the black population received when they were slaves by creating a poll tax, literacy tests, and intimidation to prevent black people from voting, even though it was their constitutional right to do so. The Jim Crow laws were then introduced in the 1880s and 1890s, which created Southern “separate but equal” legal separation. Basically, this meant that facilities and services were equally provided to both races, but separately (Salem Press 198). These laws caused segregation of various public places, including restaurants, workplaces, and public parks, among others. Specific cities and states passed their own versions of the laws. For example, in Mobile, Alabama, there was a curfew for black people enacted in 1909 (Salem Press 342). Lynching was common during the late 19^th century and early 20^th century, without needing any legal permission. This was considered Negrophobia and oftentimes there would be no actual offense by the black person (Salem Press 540).

            One of the main leaders of this civil rights period was Martin Luther King, Jr. He represented religious values and the collective action of the black population during the civil rights movement. He was the face of the millions of black Americans that did not have the means or opportunities to stand up for themselves. He was also well respected because he was a polished minister that was spiritual and mindful. Even though he was not the sole person who helped in the catalysis of this civil rights era, he is the one most people associated and still associate with that time period (Ezra 60). The efforts of many were most visibly in the various Southern civil rights organizations that were founded, including the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). These organizations drew upon American democratic principles and morality that stemmed from religion. They particularly represented “rural and urban blacks, high school and college students, and women” because these were the most marginalized populations (Ezra 60).

            Prior to and during World War II, there were massive migrations of black people to cities in the West, North, and South (Hall 1239). In the North, black men usually were forced to work in factories and black women were usually hired in domestic jobs. Black migrants found themselves relegated to discrimination reminiscent of the slave-owning days and de facto segregation. The intent of these policies prevented black people from having good careers, educational opportunities, and decent residential options, creating large racial barriers (Hall 1240). Economic inequality was exasperated by the two-track welfare system, which helped families with one full-time worker and a wife who did not earn an income and stayed at home with the children. This did not apply to many black families because oftentimes, both the husband and wife had to work in order to have a chance at making enough money to keep their family economically afloat. In 1935, unemployment insurance was not provided to domestic and agricultural workers, which was how low-wage black families earned their income. Because of this, “55 percent of all African American workers and 87 percent of all wage-earning African American women were excluded from one of the chief benefits of the New Deal” (Hall 1241). This caused embarrassment for the black people that relied on other welfare options, which caused further stigmatization against them. In terms of housing, much of the white middle class moved into the suburbs, leaving behind a large black population in the cities. Highway building choices and zoning boards purposefully caused white people to be wary of black migrants, which decreased monetary investments in black neighborhoods. Banks would not grant mortgages to black people and businesses relocated to suburban areas. This move to suburbia caused segregation in city schools and black migrant students were placed in schools that did not have the prosperity supported by local taxes and equal educational opportunities (Hall 1241-1242).  

            The modern civil rights movement starting point is the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 (Salem Press 131). Specifically in Birmingham, the climate leading up to the events in 1963 was a tense one and Birmingham was “probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States” (King 1). The city was amiss with police brutality, legal discrimination against blacks, racist signs in the windows of stores, and there were bombings of the homes and churches that black people resided and worshipped (King 1). There were no black people in positions of power, including the police and fire department, and they could not hold jobs in retail, banks, stores, and public transportation. Black people were forced to work menial jobs in steel mills, households, or work in their segregated neighborhood and unemployment was a common tribulation they faced (Garrow 166). These various stressors ultimately culminated in the Birmingham Campaign, and the purpose of this protest was to focus on attainable desegregation goals. This included desegregation of shopping stores, fair employment standards, use of parks by black people, and a biracial committee to work on desegregating public schools. The campaign was protesting the centuries of discrimination they had been plagued with, as well as the strict segregation laws that affected every aspect of their lives in Birmingham. The specific moment in the process of the protest development that will be considered is the “period of inception,” which is when a sentiment of some sort becomes public when people become interested and involved (Griffin 11). For this specific movement, the nonviolent protests were planned in advance before the inception date, which was April 3^rd, 1963. The tactics used were organized lunch counter sit-ins, marches, kneel-ins by black people at white churches, and boycotts. The campaign was purposefully nonviolent because it was known that these protests would be met with violence, putting media attention on Birmingham and allowing the nation to see what was happening to the black American population.

Rhetorical Context

             The people involved in the civil rights movement as a whole, and the Birmingham Campaign specifically, used rhetoric to make their voices heard, which had historically been silenced. The Birmingham Campaign can be considered a social movement, which is an effort to create legal and social developments and changes, usually outside the realm of what is considered normal and common practice. This movement is also “sustained,” meaning it is not one singular event, such as a one-day protest, but multiple events. Since the Birmingham Campaign lasted from April 3^rd-May 10^th, 1963, it was a sustained movement that progressed through organization and social networks (Jasper 24). In America, there was a development of social movements in the 1830s that brought personal choices to light and made them public protests and national issues. This included slavery, which was considered a sin, and reformers that based their protests on morality would protest against these people who were committing these evil sins (Jasper 45). The Birmingham Campaign is also a citizenship movement, which works “at gaining entry into the political system,” with the political system being basic rights and desegregation in the city (Jasper 118). The civil rights that the Birmingham Campaign was protesting had “to do with the state’s coercive interference in the lives of citizens,” since every facet of the black citizen’s lives were controlled by officials in charge (Jasper 119).  

The name of a phenomenon is important because it is the lens through which meaning and purpose is conveyed and is important in addressing an issue. Naming a protest group or movement as a whole is crucial because it highlights the purpose, identity, and morality and defines those who are actively participating in the protest (Jasper 77). The Birmingham Campaign was dubbed “Project C,” with the “C” standing for confrontation. This name came from Wyatt Tee Walker, who was a Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) founder and executive director. He also was actively involved in organizing the Birmingham protests and worked with Fred Shuttlesworth, who was also a founder of the SCLC and a minister. In order to maintain secrecy during the planning of these demonstrations, the planners communicated with code words in case their phone calls were being monitored (Garrow 175). Even though Project C stood for confrontation, Walker and Shuttlesworth’s plan was to have nonviolent action because they knew the protests would be counteracted with violence and media attention would be heightened. This attention would show the entire nation, who may not otherwise know what is occurring, the plight of the segregated black people in the South (Bass 96). The “Project C” name represents the nonviolent confrontation black people were employing to enact change, which showed their purpose, identity, and morality of treating everyone as equals, no matter their race.

Nonviolent resistance was the main tactic used in the movement, and the “nonviolent” word choice was a deliberate tactic used by the organizers to outline their rhetorical goals. “Nonviolence” showed outside observers, as well as the movement participants, that they were not there to cause any harm, but simply to let their voices and words make an impact and create change. Nonviolence, which was used throughout the civil rights movement, “is a central method for expressing political dissent…to bring about political change” and is protected by the First Amendment (Salem Press 465-466). The civil rights movement used nonviolence inspired by Mohandas Gandhi, specifically using boycotts, marches, and sit-ins to make a statement about desegregation. This was an effective legal tactic because the government was unsure about how to specifically prosecute these actions, and oftentimes those arrested would later be found innocent of crime (Salem Press 466). Nonviolence, typically used in democratic societies, centers on values of morality and the fact that it is unethical to hurt people, and believes change can only happen with love and peacefulness. This tactic will, in theory, cause elite people in charge to change legislation and policies, such as ending segregation and discrimination against black people (Salem Press 467).

            “Character work” is an important part of any protest “because characters tell us what emotions we are supposed to feel about them” (Jasper 92). Though a character seems like they would only be found in a fictional story, characters can be actual people and contribute more strongly to a protest’s purpose because observers are better able to empathize with an actual human that has feelings and problems. In terms of rhetoric, “characters suggest a role for the audience: stop being a victim, and start acting like a hero” (Jasper 92). In the Birmingham Campaign, there were four types of characters: the benevolent heroes and victims and the malevolent villains and outside agitators (Jasper 92). The heroes were the leaders of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), including Martin Luther King, Jr. and Fred Shuttlesworth, among others, who were directly involved in the planning and taking action with the various demonstrations. The victims, and identity articulated by the Birmingham Campaign, were the black people affected by segregation in their everyday lives, from where they lived to where they worshipped. The villains were the governmental leaders of Birmingham that created and upheld the segregation and discrimination laws. The villains and outside agitators included the Birmingham Police Department, which attacked the nonviolent demonstrators with fire hoses and police canines and caused national attention to be focused on the mistreatment of the black people of Birmingham.

            The Birmingham Campaign also influenced the rhetoric of the federal government and President Kennedy, because it shifted their focus towards the circumstances black Americans were facing and made it a national issue. During 1961, before the events in Birmingham in 1963, the focus of President Kennedy’s statements to the nation was foreign policy and the economy. In early 1962, the story was much the same, with only a small mention of civil rights in his State of the Union address. As civil rights movements began to gain momentum and the federal government was hearing their demands, President Kennedy began speaking more about actual ways in which to lessen discrimination, starting in late 1962. Some of the legislation he passed included equal housing opportunities for all races and focused on the voting literacy tests that were created as a disadvantage to black people. He also allowed the Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities to lessen discrimination in hiring practices and the workplace. He was working to end the “discrimination and segregation which deprive many Americans of equal opportunity in the exercise of their unalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” (Andrews and Gaby 514). These powerful words spoken by the President showed the nation that black Americans were being denied the same rights their white counterparts were given. He uses the phrase “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” which originated from the Declaration of Independence and is a powerful phrase that humanizes those who had been oppressed for so many years. Unfortunately, though these powerful words were spoken, there was still a lack of national legislation by 1963 (Andrews and Gaby 514). After the Birmingham Campaign, though, President Kennedy delivered an impassioned speech on June 11, 1963 where the rhetoric made clear he was intent on passing a civil rights bill, signaling “an important transition that launched efforts to pass a substantial civil rights bill” (Andrews and Gaby 515). This transition stemmed directly from the events that occurred in Birmingham and President Kennedy’s rhetoric clearly changed from 1961, where there were passive comments about civil rights, to post-Birmingham 1963. In this same June 11^th speech, Kennedy discussed how what occurred in Birmingham and black equality struggles “have so increased the cries for equality that no city or state or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them” (Andrews and Gaby 516). President Kennedy’s speeches were powerful tools that showed the influence Birmingham had on the movement, and his words brought these long-standing issues to government attention.

Works Cited

Andrews, Kenneth T., and Sarah Gaby. "Local Protest and Federal Policy: The Impact of

the Civil Rights Movement on the 1964 Civil Rights Act." Sociological Forum 30.S1 (2015): 509-27. Web. 26 Oct. 2016.

Bass, S. Jonathan. Blessed Are the Peacemakers: Martin Luther King, Jr., Eight White

Religious Leaders, and the ‘Letter from Birmingham Jail’. LSU Press, 2001. Web.

Dagbovie, Pero Gaglo. What is African American History? Oxford: Wiley, 2015. Ebook

Library. Web. 26 Oct. 2016.

Ezra, Michael. Civil Rights Movement: People And Perspectives. Santa Barbara, Calif:

ABC-CLIO, 2009. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 26 Oct. 2016.

Garrow, David J. Birmingham, Alabama, 1956–1963: The Black Struggle for Civil

Rights. Vol. 8. Carlson, 1989. Web.

Griffin, Leland M. The Rhetoric of Historical Movements. 1952. Print.

Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd. "The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the

Past." The Journal of American History 91.4 (2005): 1233-1263. Oxford University Press. Web. 26 Oct. 2016.

Jasper, James M. Protest: A Cultural Introduction to Social Movements. Chicester:

Wiley, 2014. Ebook Library. Web. 26 Oct. 2016.

King, Martin Luther, Jr. "Letter from Birmingham Jail." The Atlantic Monthly 212.2

(1963): 78-88. Web. 26 Oct. 2016.

Salem Press. The Civil Rights Movement. Pasadena, Calif: Salem Press, 2000. eBook

Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 26 Oct. 2016.

Questions from the writer:

1. Is my historical context easy to understand and does it cover the necessary aspects to understand the Birmingham Campaign? There is a vast amount of black history that it was necessary for me to pick and choose what to include.

2. Is my rhetorical context easy to understand? Would you be able to say what the rhetoric used in this protest was?

3. Is my paper and ideas scattered at all? I had some trouble with this on the last paper.