Showing posts with label Completed Research Papers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Completed Research Papers. Show all posts

Monday, December 5, 2016

Research: Delano Grape Strike

Beto Hoyos
11/28/16
ENG 306
Research paper
                                                            Delano Grape Strike
            On September 8th 1965 the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC), a largely Filipino and Mexican farm workers group, walked out of the grape fields in protest of years of low wages and poor working conditions. That walk out was the beginning of the Delano Grape Strike. Eight days later, Cesar Chavez the leader of the National Farm Workers (NFW) would join the strike. From that point on Chavez would embark on a lifelong crusade against poor working conditions on behalf of farm workers across the country. Everything Chavez did from that point still resonates today.
            The need for foreign farm laborers increased as the U.S entered World War II and the labor shortage affected the nations agricultural production. During the summer of 1942 the U.S and Mexico signed an agreement that allowed temporary workers to cross the border into the U.S during harvest seasons and then return to Mexico once the harvest was over. That agreement became known as the Bracero program (Bruns). After politicians faced years of pressure from a growing civil rights movement, the program was dismantled in 1964. However, by 1965 no real improvement was made and farm workers had not yet been able to unionize and were still making .90 cents an hour plus ten cents for every lug they collected (ufw.org).
            Chavez worked for ten years as an organizer for the Community Service Organization (CSO) before resigning in 1962. Chavez left the organization after CSO leaders resisted the push for labor unions (Jenson pp.12). Chavez and his family moved to Delano, California where he along with Dolores Huerta established the UFW. In September of 1962 the first convention of the UFW is convened in Fresno, California and the iconic eagle flag is revealed. Chavez worked tirelessly for three years and traveled town to town across the central California valley building up his organization that would eventually become an effective union.
            Chavez famously said that once social change is established, it cannot be reversed (Perez, Parlee). That mindset carried Chavez and the UFW through a successful year of grape boycotts across the state. In 1965 the AWOC led a walkout of hundreds of farm workers in the Coachella valley and soon after that farm workers in Delano would join the strike. In the spring of 1966 the UFW along with the AWOC called upon the public to refrain from buying grapes without a union label (ufw.org). Soon after the two groups would join forces to become the UFWA. Chavez believed that the union could influence growers through economic pressure (Jensen pp.7). The boycotts put a lot of pressure on the two biggest growers in the area, Schenley and DiGiorgio. The boycott had the potential to affect sales and also damage relations with other workers. The grape strike was originally set in motion in order to make people outside the agriculture industry aware of the poor conditions the workers have gone through.
            In 1966, Chavez along with his supporters began a 300-mile march to Sacramento from Delano. Chavez wanted to nationally publicize their plight and he wanted to bring widespread attention to the cause, or La Causa. The march had such a lasting impact because it blended the Spanish traditions of religious pilgrimages and contemporary demonstrations (Jenson pp.15). The march to Sacramento had strong religious and cultural overtones. Chavez also saw the action as a pilgrimage for minorities who had suffered in hostile environments in which they were expected to work in (Jenson pp.16). Chavez was a deeply spiritual person who believed that this march would put him and his supporters at peace with the Lord (Jenson pp.17). Chavez paid attention to spiritual and political details and he wanted to ensure his supporters were marching for the people and for the cause and not out of revenge and anger. The march reached the end when Chavez and his supporters arrived at the capitol building on Easter morning and he announced to a crowd of 10,000 people that Schenley had given in and signed an agreement with the UFWA (ufw.org).
            After the the march, more growers came to terms with the UFWA and DiGiorgio would soon sign an agreement as well. The boycotts were working and Chavez witnessed first hand the power of people coming together to make a change. In 1967, another major grape grower in the state, Gallo vineyards, joined Chavez’s union. However, in 1970 Gallo went against Chavez and signed a new four-year contract with the Teamsters union. Chavez retaliated by calling for a boycott and strike on all Gallo wines. In the 1970s, Gallo produced 45% of California’s wine and 37% of the country’s wine (Bruns pp.102). In February 1975, several members of the UFWA began a 110-mile march from San Francisco to Modesto, California where Gallo’s headquarters was located (Bruns pp.104). By the time the march reached Modesto, 15,000 protestors had joined on the walk and again a march led by Chavez had gained national attention. By June 1975, then California Gov., Jerry Brown signed into law the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, the first kind of legislation protecting farm workers and providing for collective bargaining (Bruns pp.105). By 1978 the boycotts of grapes, Gallo wineries and even lettuce are officially ended after the UFWA and the Teamsters union reach an agreement allowing the UFWA to represent farm workers.
            In the following years, Chavez and his supporters took part in nonviolent protests on behalf of different causes. Chavez and other UFWA leaders felt that a non-violent approach was the most effective and could have the longest lasting results. One non-violent act of protest that Chavez found personally and publically effective was fasting. Chavez fasted on three separate occasions through out his life and did so in personal and spiritual penance. Chavez thought of the fasts as a purification of his mind, body and soul (ufw.org). The first time Chavez fasted was in 1968 when he went on a 25 day, water only fast in protest and spiritual penance on behalf of farm working men, women and even children affected by years of poor treatment (ufw.org). Chavez would take on another fast in 1972 which lasted 24 days in protests of similar issues affecting farm workers and their families (Alarcon). Even into his late 60s, Chavez would continue to fast. In 1988, while protesting the use of pesticides on table grapes, Chavez would fast one last time at the age of 67.
            Everything Chavez put in place through out his life still resonates loudly today. Establishment of the UFWA led to better lives for farm workers. That includes better pay, better working environments and even education. Even after Chavez’s death in 1993, the UFWA continued to improve the way farm workers live and work. In 1989 the UFWA established the first and only pension plan for retired farm workers, the Juan de la Cruz pension plan. The UFWA also fought to stop the use of dangerous pesticides and to have farm workers tested on a regular basis to check for pesticide exposure. Today, the UFWA truly embodies the spirit of Cesar Chavez. UFWA leaders continue to work and protest on behalf of farm workers everywhere, the way Chavez did, without fear, because you cannot oppress those who are not afraid anymore.
           


                                                Annotated Bibliography
Bruns, Roger. “The Encyclopedia of Cesar Chavez: the farm workers’ fight for rights and justice”. Santa Barbara, California. Greenwood publishing. 2013. Ebook
This book shows an extensive look at the life of Chavez and also looks at the life of the United Farm Workers of America organization and how it began. Bruns, along with other contributors, take us through the life and times of Chavez and at the beginning of the book you learn that Chavez had a difficult time getting started with his organization and getting followers.
On page 268 the book talks about his early years in the organization and how it was hard for Chavez to understand why people join causes. In those early years he learned how to uplift his people and help them instead of using his people to better his personal life.

Jenson, Richard, Hammerback, John, Chavez, Cesar. “The Words of Cesar Chavez”. Texas A&M Press. 2002. Ebook. UA Library.
A compilation of notes and stories from Chavez’s early life and rhetorical career. The book examines Chavez’s desires to organize, unionize and fight for fair treatment. The book also examines the manner in which Chavez would go about protesting, such as fasting.

Chavez, Cesar. “Speech at Pacific Lutheran University in Tacoma, Washington in 1989”. United Farm Workers of America. Ufw.org. 1989. Speech.
More than 20 years after Chavez began his crusade for fair working conditions he continued to educate people on the evolving issues in the farm workers world. In 1989 a now elderly Chavez, warns the crowd at the Pacific Lutheran University in Tacoma about pesticides being used on grapes around the west coast but especially in California. He tells a story about a boy who died from cancer after being exposed to the chemicals and pesticides which were being used around him and his family in the McFarland area. In that area 13 boys were diagnosed with cancer during the 1980s, during a time when the towns population was only 6000 people. Chavez goes on to say that at the time there was no evidence to conclude that pesticides were the actual cause of cancer in these children however.

Araiza, Lauren. “To March for Others: The black freedom struggle and the United Farm Workers”. Philadelphia, Penn., University of Pennsylvania Press. 2014. Ebook
What Araiza writes about in chapter 2 of the book is about how different groups of the time came together to form stronger bonds and to gain more of a voice within society. NFWA worked with other organizations like SNCC because they shared similar conflicts and both groups understood the racial disparities they both shared. However, as the 60s began to move along groups like the SNCC began to see conflicts rise within their own group. SNCC were responsible for forming white allies and bringing middle class white young people to Mississippi to help register rural and inner city people to vote. Some within the group did not like the idea of white allies, they felt they could not totally relate to the struggle. Regardless, the SNCC California chapter remained focused on economic inequalities rather than racial inequalities like they were doing in the south. SNCC was crucial in helping NFWA in continuing their protests and doing them in a nonviolent manner.

Alarcon, Evelina. “Cesar Chavez: A legacy for peace, justice and non-violence”. New York, NY. Long View publishing. C2003. Peoplesworld.org. online publication.
I like this article because it gives you more of an insight as to how Cesar Chavez was and how he wanted to take on his causes and do so in a non violent manner. Chavez was famous for taking stands and being firm in his actions. Chavez once did a 25 day fast to send a message to farm workers who had mentioned the rise in violent assaults by farm owners. Chavez saw non violence as a winning strategy and said “violence just hurts those who are already hurt”. Here you see the impact other peaceful leaders of the world had on Chavez. He’s said he was inspired by the work of Ghandi and also really admired Dr. Martin Luther King. The two leaders never worked together but they both admired what each other was doing. King once said that their efforts were one and the same, and Dr. Kings wife, Coretta Scott King, visited Chavez while he was once jailed for violated a boycott injunction.

Levy, Jacqueline. Ross, Fred Jr. “Cesar Chavez: the autobiography of La Causa”. Minnesota. University of Minnesota press. 2007.
In 1965 Chavez had already established his life and family and they were all already experienced farm workers but Chavez knew things were not what they should be. The conditions were poor and the work was long and dangerous at times. Grape pickers were paid an average of 90 cents an hour but would work ridiculously long hours and lived in poor conditions.


UFW.org. “United Farm Workers of America”. “Story of Cesar Chavez”. National headquarters Keene, California. Press inquires Bakersfield, California.
With a rich history and an abundant, detailed history, the united farm workers of America website is a perfect home for unknown or unanswered questions about the leader himself or about the situations surrounding the grape strike or other related events that followed.

Orosco, Jose-Antonio. “Toppling the Melting pot: Immigration and multiculturalism in America”. Bloomington. Indiana University Press. 2016.
What the author describes when talking about Cesar Chavez is how he felt about immigration and what he thought the Mexican immigrants can bring to the country. He felt that immigrants could impact the country positively.

Richard Ray Perez & Lorena Parlee. “Cesar’s Last Fast”. Monkey Mind Media. Film. Netflix. 2014.
The film depicting Cesar Chavez’s final fast in protest of pesticide use and personal penance for the families affected by pesticides. Chavez was known for his non-violent approach to protesting and this one was more memorable because he decided to do so it an elderly age. The film was released after the death of both directors but dedicated to the two directors and all those Chavez helped.








Sunday, December 4, 2016

Final Research Paper


RJ Mosqueda
Professor Brown
English 306
3 December, 2016
Final Research Paper: MLK Jr.

As Americans, we understand how pivotal the Civil Rights Movement was to our history in the United States. The movement within itself is one of the most revolutionary forms of protest known to mankind. To truly understand it, we must dive deeper into it by getting to know the leader behind the movement, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. MLK is one of the most prolific and efficient peaceful protest leaders to have ever walked this earth. African Americans back then were facing serious racial discrimination simply because of their skin color. Because of him back then, we now have freedom for all people today.
Martin Luther King Jr. was born on January 15, 1929 in Atlanta Georgia. He was brought up in a Christian household. His maternal grandparents Adam and Jenny Williams were the Reverend and second pastor of Ebenezer Baptist Church. Dr. King was a family man, he had four children, two boys and two girls by name of Yolanda, Bernice, Martin, and Dexter (Schulke 1). Dr. King had such a way with his words. He was a baptist minister and and activist leader in the Civil Rights Movement. On April 4,1967, as Dr. King prepared to break his silence on the issue of the Vietnam War at New York City's Riverside Church, “He knew many Americans would be bewildered, even outraged. King's public voice, considered radical by some, moderate by many, was well known for positive messages of unity and hope” (Cook 75). Dr. King’s philosophy was all about peace and tranquility, that is why the protests he lead, were executed in a peaceful manner meaning zero violence. An example would be when he helped boycott the transportation system in Montgomery, Alabama. Here all he did was protest peacefully for equality on African Americans not having to give up their seats to White folks. He stood with multiple Blacks and rebelled peacefully which resulted in the boycott's official end and signaled one of the civil rights movement's first victories while making King one of its central figures.
Dr. King has led more than eight peaceful protests that were absolutely vital to the American Civil Rights Movement. He has led well known protests such as the Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955-1956), The Albany Movement (1961), and The Birmingham Campaign in 1963 (Mach 1-3). These protests developed because of racial inequality towards people of color. The Montgomery Bus Boycott was aimed for people of color that they must give up their seats to Whites and sit in the back of the bus. It escalated when a black lady by the name of Rosa Parks, was arrested for refusing to give up her on a bus to a White person. The next day, Dr. King proposed a citywide boycott of public transportation at a church meeting. “The boycott proved to be effective, causing the transit system to run a huge deficit. Montgomery’s black residents not only were the principal boycotters, but also the bulk of the transit system’s paying customers.” (Mach 1-3). The bus boycott was a success because “In June 1956, a federal court found that the laws in Alabama and Montgomery requiring segregated buses were unconstitutional. However, an appeal kept segregation intact until Dec. 20, 1956, when the US Supreme Court upheld the district court's ruling.” (Mach 2-3). The Albany movement was a coalition formed in November 1961 in Albany, Ga., to protest city segregation policies. When it came to the Albany Movement for MLK, it was successful long term. It did not work immediately just like the bus boycotts but “Three days into King's sentence, an Albany police chief arranged for his release. The movement eventually dissolved, with few substantial results after nearly a year of continued peaceful protests, but the campaign tested tactics that would shape future protests in the national civil rights movement.” (Mach 4). The movement was a coalition formed in November 1961 in Albany, GA to protest city segregation policies. Dr. King tried to join but got arrested instead for trying to protest where he later declined bail until the city changed its segregation policies.
Martin Luther King Jr. had people that supported and assisted him as well. He had the benefit of the Southern Leadership Conference which who had aided him in the Birmingham Campaign in 1963. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) was created on January 10-11, 1957. This involved sixty black ministers and civil rights leaders met in Atlanta, Georgia in an effort to replicate the successful strategy and tactics of the recently concluded Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott. “Martin Luther King Jr. was chosen as the first president of this new group dedicated to abolishing legalized segregation and ending the disfranchisement of black southerners in a non-violent manner. Later SCLC would address the issues of war and poverty.” (Cho 1). The Birmingham Campaign was a strategic effort led by Dr. King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference to end discriminatory economic policies in the city of Alabama. Some of the protests included boycotting certain businesses that hired only white people or that had segregated restrooms. This peaceful protest was also successful and productive because when refused to change their policies, Dr. King encouraged protesters to hold-sit ins and marches with the aim of getting arrested to overcrowd the jails. The end result was glorious, “By the end of the campaign, many segregation signs at Birmingham businesses came down, and public places became more open to all races.” (Mach 4-5). Dr. King was truly a master at his craft. He believed in something greater than himself, freedom. Although he was assassinated, his legacy still lives on till this very day. These peaceful protests front lined by King were a major factor to freedom back then and even today.
After people started taking notice of Dr. King and the effects/changes of his protests, there would be one more event that would have the entire world watching. In Washington D.C. 1963, Dr. King would deliver his iconic “I Have A Dream Speech”. The speech was for the march on Washington for jobs and freedom.


King urged America to "make real the promises of democracy." King synthesized portions of his earlier speeches to capture both the necessity for change and the potential for hope in American society. “I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” (Martin Luther King Jr). The overall goal of Martin Luther King Jr, the American Civil Rights Movement, and these pivotal protests was to stop racism. Freedom and equality for all is what he and his peers were striving for and ultimately achieved a great deal of it.
When looking at MLK from a protest perspective, Dr. King was an advocate for active protesting. As stated in the beginning of my paper, he believed in peaceful protesting as he lead multiple successful peaceful protests such as The Birmingham Campaign (1963), The Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955), and the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, “I Have A Dream Speech” (1963). When studying his movements, it is clear as to what Dr. King was fighting for, freedom and equality. All of his previous protests were successful and great short-term and long-term but the “I Have A Dream Speech” one stood out in particular because it was nationwide so everyone could view it. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, was basically an eye opener for a lot of people and was the ultimate exclamation point for the American Civil Rights Movement. MLK protested and made a statement with this speech by basically saying enough is enough, it is time for us to come together.
Martin Luther King Jr. was revolutionary and played a huge role in the Civil Rights Movement.  From a historical context, African Americans back then were clearly being mistreated simply because of the color of their skin. It was clear that racism was going on, but due to technology back then, it was not widely available and documented throughout the United States. Some people were not aware as to what was going on during these times so it was that these protests slowly started getting recognition and getting out to the world. It was clear by Martin Luther King Jr’s standards that something had to be done. From a rhetorical/identity context MLK served as a voice and an image for all African Americans and even freedom/equality in general because that is what he was fighting for. MLK brought attention to the world on how unfairly blacks were being treated. “Any way you look at it, socially, politically, economically, education, African Americans were kept out of society. And they had to scratch and bite to get whatever advantages that they did get. And the majority could not get those advantages.” (PBS). African Americans back then dealt with so much from segregation, to restrictions on voting, and even violence. Whites in the South wanted to make sure there was no type of rebellion towards them, “Another issue was in order to make sure that African Americans did not attempt to assert themselves in any way, whether it was voting, whether it was trying to buy land, the white South resorted to terrorism. And that terrorism which was a legacy that never stopped from the time of the Civil War all the way up through this period, reached an intensity in the 1890s and in 1900. And it consisted of lynching African Americans, it consisted of burning African Americans, it consisted of whipping African Americans.” (PBS). Overall, the main reason for protest is because of how African Americans were treated back then. If it was not for Martin Luther King Jr. being the voice/image for these people, we would not experience freedom today. Because of Dr. King and his protests, we are free to this day. Freedom is the main reason why protests were started, it just happened to be revolutionized by Martin Luther King Jr.
 When we look at identity, specifically when it comes to African Americans, Martin Luther King Jr. fills that void immensely. He gave African Americans their own identity through his actions, intentions, and impact on Blacks as a whole. He has inspired numerous groups and people such as The Black Panthers, John Lewis, and James Farmer to stand out and protest against inequality, including the “Big Six” civil rights leaders. All of these groups and people were inspired and influenced by Dr. King himself because he gave everyone hope and was successful throughout his time of protest, his actions and results spoke for themselves. Dr. King brought everyone together, not just blacks, but anyone who was against racial inequality and gave them their own identity/image/voice through him.
Martin Luther King Jr.’s influence is still felt today. Although racism is clearly still at large, Dr. King’s efforts have propelled society forward by an enormous amount. Multiple examples reflect Dr. King’s accomplishments when it comes to freedom and equality for all. There are no more “white only” restaurants or restrooms. Public transportation is available to literally anyone, color of skin is irrelevant. Jobs hire anyone who is qualified for their standards, while race, ethnicity, and skin color do not matter. The world is now more aware than ever of racism and it is clear that it is present because we see it in the news, social media, and with law enforcement. Even though people are still racist today, MLK’s influence and involvement in the American Civil Rights Movement was very successful and revolutionary in society today. We’ve come a very long way as human beings when it comes to race.
In today’s society we’ve seen numerous forms of protests from Americans. Lately there has been evidential footage of law enforcement mistreating and killing Blacks. Colin Kaepernick’s protest reflects that of Martin Luther King Jr’s. Colin chose to sit during the singing of the national anthem prior to a game in the NFL. His action was immediately put on display by the media the whole world knew of this very quickly. Many people agreed and disagreed with his form of protest. Some were furious, while others supported. You would then see other players kneel during the anthem, and or speak out on the issue to express themselves on the topic. Many ignored the main reason why he was kneeling and continued to express anger towards Colin. Despite all the backlash Colin took, he imitated Dr. King and proceeded to protest in a non-violent manner simply by kneeling during the anthem. “Colin Kaepernick might have the hottest-selling jersey in the NFL, but he sure doesn’t have the support of white America. Only 29 percent of white Americans approve of the San Francisco 49ers quarterback’s recent decision to sit during the national anthem in protest of the mistreatment of people of color in the U.S., while 69 percent disapprove, according to a new YouGov poll.” (Strachan Web). The ones who do not agree with Colin are the ones who do not understand the true meaning behind it, he wants freedom and equality for all despite skin color. Colin is essentially doing what many African Americans did in the past. He is fighting for freedom. It is no different then how it was back then in the past. Colin is using his platform to do what MLK did during the civil rights movement and that is to protest and fight for equality for everyone.
Ultimately if people are being mistreated, discriminated against, being killed/hurted then they are going to stand up for themselves. Martin Luther King Jr. is the ultimate symbol for the American Civil Rights Movement because he believed it was necessary for change back then during that period of time and fought for freedom and equality for all especially African Americans. Dr. King served as a voice and an image not just for Blacks but for freedom as well. He ultimately fought for equality and non discrimination towards Blacks. The way he protested and stood up for African Americans was in the most peaceful ways possible. His actions and results speak for themselves, he was very successful both short-term and long-term while being able to influence Blacks to stand up for themselves. Without Martin Luther King’s protest and presence within the American Civil Rights Movement back then, there would be no people of color today in America. We as a human race would be divided, separated, and segregated even more.
My project as a whole teaches how protest can work as a place where identities are articulated because it shows how Martin Luther King Jr. as an individual brought African Americans together and through him by himself can also be seen as an identity for Blacks and freedom. Today when we think of Martin Luther King Jr. we know him for what he has done for this world. He pushed for freedom and equality for all so he can serve as an identity, image, voice for freedom and Blacks all around. When looking at the bigger picture, it is very straightforward and simple as it can get. The overall goal is to achieve freedom for everyone of all colors. We are trying to eradicate any type of racial discrimination/inequality and just live together on this earth as humans. It should not matter what color skin you have.  

Works Cited:
Cook, Vanessa. "Martin Luther King, Jr., And The Long Social Gospel Movement." Religion And American Culture 26.1 (2016): 74-100. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials. Web. 3 Dec. 2016.

Strachan, Maxwell. "Black Americans Support Colin Kaepernick. White People? Not So Much." The Huffington Post. The Huffington Post, 06 Sept. 2016. Web. 2 Dec. 2016.

Mach, Andrew. "Martin Luther King Jr.: 8 Peaceful Protests That Bolstered Civil Rights." The Christian Science Monitor. The Christian Science Monitor, 15 Jan. 2012. Web. 03 Dec. 2016.

Schulke, Flip. "About Dr. King." The King Center. JP Morgan Chase & Co, 2014. Web. 03 Dec. 2016.

Cho, Nancy. "Southern Christian Leadership Conference (1957 - ) | The Black Past: Remembered and Reclaimed." Southern Christian Leadership Conference (1957 - ) | The Black Past: Remembered and Reclaimed. BlackPast.org, 2001. Web. 03 Dec. 2016.

King, Martin Luther, Jr. ""I Have a Dream," Address Delivered at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom." The Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and Education Institute |. Stanford University, n.d. Web. 01 Dec. 2016.

"Identity." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Ed. William A. Darity, Jr. 2nd ed. Vol. 3. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008. 551-555. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 4 Dec. 2016.

Truman, C N. "The Black Panthers - History Learning Site." History Learning Site. Historylearningsite.co.uk., 27 Mar. 2015. Web. 03 Dec. 2016.

King, Martin Luther, Jr. ""I Have a Dream," Address Delivered at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom." "I Have a Dream," Address Delivered at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom | The Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and Education Institute. Stanford University, n.d. Web. 1 Dec. 2016.

Washington, Margaret. "Margaret Washington : Obstacles Faced by African Americans." PBS. PBS, n.d. Web. 04 Dec. 2016.

"MLK Movement Leaders." PBS. PBS, n.d. Web. 01 Dec. 2016.

Final Draft: The Birmingham Campaign

Madelynn Fretto
Dr. Stephanie Brown
ENGL 306
4 December 2016
Research Paper Final Draft
The history of the black population in the United States is one of discrimination, segregation, and fear. In the years leading up to 1963, there had been a systematic oppression of this entire race of people that did not allow them to have equal rights in any aspect of their lives. Laws had been passed so that black people could not have access to resources and facilities available to white people. It was ingrained in white American’s minds that black people were considered to be less than them and should be treated accordingly. The compounding of these various factors is what led to the 1963 Birmingham Campaign in Birmingham, Alabama.
 In Birmingham, the climate leading up to the events in 1963 was tense and Birmingham was “probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States” (King 1). The purpose of the Birmingham Campaign was to focus on attainable desegregation goals that would be put into law by the city government. These goals included desegregation of shopping stores, fair employment standards, use of parks by black people, and a biracial committee to work on desegregating public schools. The Birmingham Campaign was one of numerous movements that occurred during the modern civil rights movement, in which the starting point is considered to be the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 (Salem Press 131). However, even though it was one of many, it proved to be a turning point in the history of black Americans. This is because national attention was brought to Birmingham via the media and showed the country the negative effects of segregation. Additionally, the protest was successful in ending segregation in Birmingham and a direct consequence of the protest was the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Birmingham Campaign was a pivotal moment where black Americans finally had a voice and could make a positive change in their history, which until that point had been filled with inhumane treatment and a lack of equal rights. By using powerful rhetoric and effective protest tactics, Birmingham soon became a symbol of freedom and equality.
The history leading up to the Birmingham Campaign explains why the events occurred in Birmingham the way they did. There had been deliberate actions taken to degrade black Americans and hinder them from having social equality, all in the name of white supremacy. One of the most well known degradations of black people was their enslavement, and most of the black population in America was slaves from 1789-1865. A major legislative point for the enslaved population was the passage of The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, which required the government to return slaves that had escaped to their owner, furthering the discrimination (Salem Press 276). In terms of education, black children, regardless of whether they were enslaved or not, were prohibited from being taught in Southern states (Salem Press 223). After 1865, black students were allowed to attend schools in the South, but were often taught by white teachers from the North that did not provide the same quality of education they would provide to white students (Salem Press 223). Discrimination continued even after slavery was abolished. However, the passages of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments and the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and 1867 attempted “to eliminate legal discrimination against newly freed slaves” (Salem Press 198). These measures were counteracted by the black codes that reverted back to the treatment the black population received when they were slaves by creating a poll tax, literacy tests, and intimidation to prevent black people from voting, even though it was their constitutional right to do so.
In 1876, during the Reconstruction era after the Civil War, federal troops left the South, but discrimination against blacks did not. This population suffered from deliberate violence against them racially and sexually, economic inequality, and lack of voting opportunity. Basically, the white population was doing everything in their power to make the black population “as lowly as the slaves their parents had been” (Ezra 59). Despite this low standard of living and rights, the Southern black population counteracted by creating schools and churches and they were becoming teachers, preachers, lawyers, and doctors. These educated people were working with the white population that was “fearful of the free black presence while at the same time seeking…full rights and privileges of citizenship” (Ezra 60). Unfortunately, there was a large percentage of the black population that remained in a low socioeconomic class because they were laborers, farmers, and domestic workers. This led to poverty for many black families because of these low-paying jobs and the lack of available opportunities for higher-paying jobs (Ezra 64).
 Southern white people created the Jim Crow laws in the 1880s and 1890s, which created “separate but equal” legal separation and a lack of access to various opportunities, which is termed “de facto segregation.” De facto segregation was the norm and caused the black population to be segregated in residential areas separate from the white population (Ezra 1-2). The Jim Crow laws meant that facilities and services were equally provided to both races, but separately, in theory (Salem Press 198). These laws caused segregation of various public places, including restaurants, workplaces, and public parks, among others. Specific cities and states passed their own versions of the laws. For example, in Mobile, Alabama, there was a curfew for black people enacted in 1909 (Salem Press 342). Lynching was also common during the late 19th century and early 20th century, which was considered Negrophobia and oftentimes, there would be no actual offense by the black person (Salem Press 540). In the early 1900s, black Americans also dealt with the Ku Klux Klan, among other racist groups, a lack of voting rights, and segregation in residential areas, educational facilities, employment, armed forces, and public areas (Ezra 64).
Prior to and during World War II, there were massive migrations of black people to cities in the West, North, and South (Hall 1239). In the North, black men usually were forced to work in factories and black women were usually hired in domestic jobs. Black migrants found themselves relegated to discrimination reminiscent of the slave-owning days and de facto segregation. The intent of these policies prevented black people from having good careers, educational opportunities, and decent residential options, creating large racial barriers (Hall 1240). Economic inequality was exasperated by the two-track welfare system, which helped families with one full-time worker and a wife who did not earn an income and stayed at home with the children. Many black families were ineligible because oftentimes, both the husband and wife had to work in order to have a chance at making enough money to keep their family economically afloat. In 1935, unemployment insurance was not provided to domestic and agricultural workers, which was how low-wage black families earned their income. Because of this, “55 percent of all African American workers and 87 percent of all wage-earning African American women were excluded from one of the chief benefits of the New Deal” (Hall 1241). This caused embarrassment for the black people that relied on other welfare options, which caused further stigmatization against them. In terms of housing, much of the white middle class moved into the suburbs, leaving behind a large black population in the cities. Highway building choices and zoning boards purposefully caused white people to be wary of black migrants, which decreased monetary investments in black neighborhoods. Banks would not grant mortgages to black people and businesses relocated to suburban areas. This move to suburbia caused segregation in city schools and black migrant students were placed in schools that did not have the prosperity supported by local taxes and equal educational opportunities (Hall 1241-1242).   
This history of black Americans leading up to the Birmingham Campaign shows why the climate was as tense as it was in 1963. The city was amiss with police brutality, legal discrimination against blacks, racist signs in the windows of stores, and there were bombings of the homes and churches that black people resided and worshipped (King 1). There were no black people in positions of power, including the police and fire department, and they could not hold jobs in retail, banks, stores, and public transportation. Black people were forced to work menial jobs in steel mills, households, or work in their segregated neighborhood and unemployment was a common tribulation they faced (Garrow 166). The campaign was protesting the centuries of discrimination they had been plagued with, as well as the strict segregation laws that affected every aspect of their lives in Birmingham. The specific moment in the process of the protest development that will be considered is the “period of inception,” which is when a sentiment of some sort becomes public when people become interested and involved (Griffin 11). For this specific movement, the nonviolent protests were planned in advance before the inception date, which was April 3rd, 1963. The tactics used were organized lunch counter sit-ins, marches, kneel-ins by black people at white churches, and boycotts. The campaign was purposefully nonviolent because it was known that these protests would be met with violence, putting media attention on Birmingham and allowing the nation to see what was happening to the black American population.
Martin Luther King, Jr. was one of the main leaders of the modern civil rights movement and a prominent activist in the Birmingham Campaign. He represented religious values and the collective action of the black population during the civil rights movement. He was the face of the millions of black Americans that did not have the means or opportunities to stand up for themselves. He was also well respected because he was a polished minister that was spiritual and mindful. Even though he was not the sole person who helped in the catalysis of this civil rights era, he is the one most people associated and still associate with that time period (Ezra 60). The efforts of many were most visibly in the various Southern civil rights organizations that were founded, including the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The SCLC was the group that organized the Birmingham Campaign. These types of organizations, including the SCLC, drew upon American democratic principles and morality that stemmed from religion. They particularly represented “rural and urban blacks, high school and college students, and women” because these were the most marginalized populations (Ezra 60). The SCLC leaders were one of the reasons the Birmingham Campaign was as successful as it was, and the rhetoric of this movement and its leaders is what ultimately led to its success.
             The people involved in the Birmingham Campaign used rhetoric to make their voices heard, which until that point had been silenced. The Birmingham Campaign can be considered a social movement, which is an effort to create legal and social developments and changes, usually outside the realm of what is considered normal and common practice (Jasper 24). This movement is also “sustained,” meaning it is not one singular event, such as a one-day protest, but multiple events. Since the Birmingham Campaign lasted from April 3rd-May 10th, 1963, it was a sustained movement that progressed through organization and social networks (Jasper 24). In America, there was a development of social movements in the 1830s that brought personal choices to light and made them public protests and national issues. This included slavery, which was considered a sin, and reformers that based their protests on morality would protest against these people who were committing these evil sins (Jasper 45). The Birmingham Campaign is also a citizenship movement, which works “at gaining entry into the political system,” with the political system being basic rights and desegregation in the city (Jasper 118). The civil rights that the Birmingham Campaign was protesting had “to do with the state’s coercive interference in the lives of citizens,” since every facet of the black citizen’s lives were controlled by officials in charge (Jasper 119). 
The name of a phenomenon is important because it is the lens through which meaning and purpose is conveyed and is important in addressing an issue. Naming a protest group or movement as a whole is crucial because it highlights the purpose, identity, and morality and defines those who are actively participating in the protest (Jasper 77). The Birmingham Campaign was dubbed “Project C,” with the “C” standing for confrontation. This name came from Wyatt Tee Walker, who was a Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) founder and executive director. He also was actively involved in organizing the Birmingham protests and worked with Fred Shuttlesworth, who was also a founder of the SCLC and a minister. In order to maintain secrecy during the planning of these demonstrations, the planners communicated with code words in case their phone calls were being monitored (Garrow 175). Even though Project C stood for confrontation, Walker and Shuttlesworth’s plan was to have nonviolent action because they knew the protests would be counteracted with violence and media attention would be heightened. This attention would show the entire nation, who may not otherwise know what is occurring, the plight of the segregated black people in the South (Bass 96). The “Project C” name represents the nonviolent confrontation black people were employing to enact change, which showed their purpose, identity, and morality of treating everyone as equals, no matter their race.
Nonviolent resistance was the main tactic used in the movement, and the “nonviolent” word choice was a deliberate tactic used by the organizers to outline their rhetorical goals. “Nonviolence” showed outside observers, as well as the movement participants, that they were not there to cause any harm, but simply to let their voices and words make an impact and create change. Nonviolence, which was used throughout the civil rights movement, “is a central method for expressing political dissent…to bring about political change” and is protected by the First Amendment (Salem Press 465-466). The civil rights movement used nonviolence inspired by Mohandas Gandhi, specifically using boycotts, marches, and sit-ins to make a statement about desegregation. This was an effective legal tactic because the government was unsure about how to specifically prosecute these actions, and oftentimes those arrested would later be found innocent of crime (Salem Press 466). Nonviolence, typically used in democratic societies, centers on values of morality and the fact that it is unethical to hurt people, and believes change can only happen with love and peacefulness. This tactic will, in theory, cause elite people in charge to change legislation and policies, such as ending segregation and discrimination against black people (Salem Press 467).
            “Character work” is an important part of any protest “because characters tell us what emotions we are supposed to feel about them” (Jasper 92). Though a character seems like they would only be found in a fictional story, characters can be actual people and contribute more strongly to a protest’s purpose because observers are better able to empathize with an actual human that has feelings and problems. In terms of rhetoric, “characters suggest a role for the audience: stop being a victim, and start acting like a hero” (Jasper 92). In the Birmingham Campaign, there were four types of characters: the benevolent heroes and victims and the malevolent villains and outside agitators (Jasper 92). The heroes were the leaders of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), including Martin Luther King, Jr. and Fred Shuttlesworth, among others, who were directly involved in the planning and taking action with the various demonstrations. The victims, and identity articulated by the Birmingham Campaign, were the black people affected by segregation in their everyday lives, from where they lived to where they worshipped. The villains were the governmental leaders of Birmingham that created and upheld the segregation and discrimination laws. The villains and outside agitators included the Birmingham Police Department, which attacked the nonviolent demonstrators with fire hoses and police canines and caused national attention to be focused on the mistreatment of the black people of Birmingham.
            The Birmingham Campaign also influenced the rhetoric of the federal government and President Kennedy, because it shifted their focus towards the circumstances black Americans were facing and made it a national issue. During 1961, before the events in Birmingham in 1963, the focus of President Kennedy’s statements to the nation was foreign policy and the economy. In early 1962, the story was much the same, with only a small mention of civil rights in his State of the Union address. As civil rights movements began to gain momentum and the federal government was hearing their demands, President Kennedy began speaking more about actual ways in which to lessen discrimination, starting in late 1962. Some of the legislation he passed included equal housing opportunities for all races and focused on the voting literacy tests that were created as a disadvantage to black people. He also allowed the Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities to lessen discrimination in hiring practices and the workplace. He was working to end the “discrimination and segregation which deprive many Americans of equal opportunity in the exercise of their unalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” (Andrews and Gaby 514). These powerful words spoken by the President showed the nation that black Americans were being denied the same rights their white counterparts were given. He uses the phrase “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” which originated from the Declaration of Independence and is a powerful phrase that humanizes those who had been oppressed for so many years. Unfortunately, though these powerful words were spoken, there was still a lack of national legislation by 1963 (Andrews and Gaby 514). After the Birmingham Campaign, though, President Kennedy delivered an impassioned speech on June 11, 1963 where the rhetoric made clear he was intent on passing a civil rights bill, signaling “an important transition that launched efforts to pass a substantial civil rights bill” (Andrews and Gaby 515). This transition stemmed directly from the events that occurred in Birmingham and President Kennedy’s rhetoric clearly changed from 1961, where there were passive comments about civil rights, to post-Birmingham 1963. In this same June 11th speech, Kennedy discussed how what occurred in Birmingham and black equality struggles “have so increased the cries for equality that no city or state or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them” (Andrews and Gaby 516). President Kennedy’s speeches were powerful tools that showed the influence Birmingham had on the movement, and his words brought these long-standing issues to government attention. Another powerful tool that was used in the Birmingham Campaign was visual rhetoric, specifically photographs, which showed the discrimination black people were facing even when attempting to make their voices heard.
 
            This photograph above summarizes the events that occurred in the Birmingham Campaign, which was taken by white journalist Charles Moore and was first published in Life magazine in May 1963 (Moore). Moore was considered the photographer of the Civil Rights Movement and his photos were often published throughout the 1960s, since he protested Jim Crow discrimination through photography (O’Neill). The image shows black high school students being sprayed with a high-pressure fire hose during what was supposed to be a nonviolent protest in Birmingham, AL. The tactics of nonviolent protest that these students, and other protestors, used were lunch counter sit-ins, boycotts of stores and merchants, and marches at City Hall (“The Birmingham Campaign”). Unfortunately, the police department found any act of protest against their authority as a threat and acted accordingly, as the photograph clearly shows.
This photograph encapsulates numerous aspects of the civil rights movement in one image that was distributed widely and seen across America. This is a powerful piece of visual rhetoric because Moore photographed young black students that were well dressed and were submitted to treatment that was unjust and humiliating. Viewing this photograph is disturbing because people can easily sympathize with these young adults because they are clearly in pain and one of the students is trying to protect the other with his body. The identities articulated through this photograph are the African American people in the United States that were affected by segregation laws, as well as the young black students that wanted to be a voice of change for their race. Project C, with the nonviolent sit-ins and boycotts, was this segregated population’s way of protesting the way of life that was the norm. This protest was one of many during the civil rights movement, but it was pivotal because of the violent interactions that occurred between the black population and the police. This photograph depicts the relationship between the black population and the Birmingham Police Department, who counteracted the nonviolent protests with tactics such as fire hoses and police dogs, attempting to silence the voices that were trying so hard to be heard. This image is a powerful representation of how high tensions were during this time and how much opposition the Birmingham protestors faced, even from the police who were supposed to protect the citizens of the city, as it was their duty. The publishing of this photograph, among others, in Life magazine allowed people who were not near Birmingham to see what was occurring. The protestors paid the ultimate sacrifice by physically putting themselves in harm’s way using body rhetoric, which is intimidating since the law enforcement officers were powerful figures. Though the protestors were often faced with this type of opposition, the photography captured and published across the country opened up a dialogue and showed the federal government, including President John F. Kennedy, that action needed to be taken and segregation was no longer to be ignored.
            The moment in the movement that this photograph is displaying occurred during early May 1963. At this time in the movement, James Bevel, a member of the SCLC and an organizer of the movement, decided to recruit a younger population to participate in the various demonstrations. His reasoning for this decision “was that young people represented an untapped source of freedom fighters without the prohibitive responsibilities of older activists” ("Birmingham Campaign (1963)"). On May 2nd, 1963, over 1,000 black students planned a march, and many were arrested. The following day, when more students attempted to march again, the police and fire departments were told to stop the protestors with force. After this direction from the public safety commissioner, Eugene “Bull” Connor, the following days were filled with protestors being attacked with fire hoses and police dogs, as well as beaten by the police officers. These occurrences were nationally broadcasted via newspapers and television, and the image from Charles Brown was one of these ("Birmingham Campaign (1963)"). An eyewitness account describes how fire engines arrived at the scene, which was the 16th St. Baptist Church, and set up their fire hoses. These fire hoses had “the powerful water stripping bark off trees and tearing bricks from the walls as the firemen knocked Negroes down” (Holt 796). These hoses were used to attack anyone that was African American, regardless of whether or not they were actually participating in the protest. The eyewitness also noted how the violence that had occurred in these demonstrations, up until the point when fire hoses were used, was from the police officers, not the demonstrators (Holt 799-800). This photograph showed the nonviolent protesting of young black high school students being oppressed, yet again, but this time in a deplorable manner.
This artifact displays the identities articulated in this protest and how these protestors were challenged. Before this movement, the black population in general, but especially in Birmingham, was a voiceless group that did not have equal rights compared to their white counterparts. The Birmingham Campaign brought these people to the forefront of America’s minds, and this was enhanced by the media attention that came to the protests. Media attention was high because of the dangerous situation that was unraveling in Birmingham as women, men, and even children were challenged with force (“The Birmingham Campaign”).  
            Visuals, especially photographs, are a powerful tool to make a statement, and this picture evokes a variety of emotions, since these students look helpless and in pain. The rhetorical aspects of this photograph employ pathos and kairos. Pathos is the first aspect that comes to mind when viewing this photograph. When this image was published, it undoubtedly stirred up various emotions from those viewing it. One of the emotions evoked is empathy, because most human beings have the capacity to empathize with people in dire and painful situations, such as this one. Anyone viewing this photograph can picture themselves being sprayed with a powerful fire hose and the amount of anguish that would cause, which brings up emotions of pity and great sadness that a human being would be subjected to this inhumane treatment. Another emotion is anger towards the law enforcement that is abusing their authority to prey on those who cannot defend themselves. The organizers of this protest were Martin Luther King Jr., the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR), and they wanted a direct action protest that was specifically nonviolent. In fact, those who participated in the protest were taught the philosophies of nonviolence, and how to have a nonviolent march ("Birmingham Campaign (1963)"). With this notion of nonviolence in mind, the image becomes even more powerful and invokes even more anger towards those who were suppressing this movement. Kairos was employed by the effective timeliness of the Birmingham Campaign in the context of the entire black civil rights struggle. 1963 was a time when segregation was pervasive, especially in Birmingham. Black people had been subjected to discrimination and segregation for years and it was finally the time to put an end to all the hurt and discrimination. The Birmingham Campaign had the right support from organizations and leaders, including the SCLC and Martin Luther King Jr., which allowed the movement to take off. It ultimately caused great change, including legislative changes that affected the nation with the passage of The Civil Rights Act of 1964. The nation was ready for change and it was finally time for black people to have the rights they had deserved for so many years.
            The Birmingham Campaign was a challenging protest that still proved to be a successful historical movement. As stated before, the Birmingham Campaign was considered a turning point in the civil rights movement and was as successful as it was because of the tactics used and the articulation of a particular identity. The organizers purposefully taught the protestors nonviolent tactics because they knew they would be met with violence by the police department and media attention would be focused on Birmingham, making this a national issue. This would show the entire nation the mistreatment of black Americans by the government and government officials, which would hopefully inspire change at the national level. The identity that was articulated through this protest was black Americans that were affected by segregation and not given the same rights as their white counterparts. Though the protestors in Birmingham were a small handful of this entire population, they represented this larger group and strived to be the voices of change for the entire nation. The Birmingham Campaign proved to be effective in regard to national change, which was shown when President Kennedy began focusing his attention on black equality struggles. The passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was directly influenced by the events that occurred in Birmingham, which shows how effective the protest was at inspiring change. The Birmingham Campaign demonstrates that with effective leadership and organization, as well as a clear identity, change can occur even when it seems impossible. The Birmingham Campaign is an inspiring protest that will surely continue to influence history for years to come.

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